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PASADENA, CA — It’s the mark of an overmatched team to use gimmicks to search for a seam. In that sense, old money Alabama was clearly overmatched against new money Indiana at an overcast Rose Bowl on Thursday, Jan. 1.

The two teams’ philosophies looked diametrically opposed in the first half. Where Indiana used a methodical offensive attack to move the ball north-to-south against the Crimson Tide, Alabama leaned on gadgetry to try find cracks in the last undefeated FBS team in the country. It failed miserably, with Alabama falling to Indiana 38-3 in a completely lopsided College Football Playoff matchup.

It was a browbeating so thorough, by the end would-be Alabama tacklers looked completely disinterested in bringing down Indiana ball-carriers.

Alabama’s shenanigans came to a peak with Indiana up 3-0 with 12:44 in the second quarter. On its own 34-yard line, Alabama went up to the line of scrimmage on a fourth-and-1 with Daniel Hill lining up in the wildcat.

Indiana responded with a timeout.

The Crimson Tide subsequently lined up to punt with Ty Simpson as an upback, with Simpson sprinting under center to try to spook Indiana into jumping offsides.

When that didn’t work, Alabama took a timeout.

Instead of cutting his losses, however, Kalen DeBoer again sent the offense out, again with Hill in the shotgun. Hill pitched the ball to Germie Bernard in motion on a jet sweep before Indiana swarmed him short of the line to gain, giving the Hoosiers the ball on the Alabama 34-yard line and leaving Crimson Tide fans across the country muttering, “too cute” under their collective breath.

Indiana capitalized on the opportunity, with Charlie Becker hauling in a 21-yard touchdown pass from Fernando Mendoza on the ensuing possession to procure a 10-0 lead and the first Indiana touchdown in Rose Bowl history.

“Just felt like it was going to be one of those games where you gotta take advantage of possessions,” DeBoer said of the choice to go for it after the game. He later said the choice to hard count before calling a timeout was to buy some time. “I try not to be reckless. I try to be aggressive. … Did the punt slash try to hard count, just give me a little more time to think about what my decision would be. Give some of the guys on the sideline a talk through the play-call. And so I really felt like … I was committed to going for it to try to make it happen.”

The sequence took approximately six minutes of real-life time and felt like a microcosm of how both teams approached the CFP quarterfinal matchup. Alabama desperately felt like it had to make something happen. Indiana was ready with a surgical counterstrike.

That’s the hallmark of a Curt Cignetti team. Despite his lamentations about poor practices and the challenges of traveling to Southern California, which Cignetti told media members after the game was a message to his team through the television, Indiana showed up when it mattered and never looked off kilter in any phase outside of a poor first series.

When it was 10-0 and Alabama began to put together a drive in answer to Indiana’s touchdown, it ended with a shot that left Ty Simpson shaken, causing him to fumble away what was to that point Alabama’s best scoring opportunity. Indiana held Alabama to 93 yards in the first half, including 64 passing yards, and was dominant at the line of scrimmage.

The second half opened with much of the same. A screen pass to Ryan Williams was blown up for a loss of two to put Alabama behind the sticks. Then another screen pass with more movement than substance to Josh Cuevas fell incomplete. On third-and-12, Simpson checked down and Alabama punted again, with the Tide’s pre-snap window dressing failing once again.

Entering this game, teams with a bye in the 12-team CFP were 0-6. So how did Heisman Trophy winner Fernando Mendoza and company avoid the hangover?

“Coach Cignetti did a fantastic job with the trickledown effect of really making sure there was no complacency,” Mendoza told reporters after the game. “Because you have 26 days off, it’s very, very tough, especially on the first drive as an offense — myself included — I think we got off to a slow start.

‘And then other than that, once we got our feet wet we had the ball rolling and got back to playing Indiana brand of football. And so I think it was great overcoming that challenge as a team having such a long time off, but I think we overcame that challenge and it showed on the field today.”

There is no way to twist it: Alabama didn’t lose the Rose Bowl. Indiana won it. And did so in dominant fashion.

The Hoosiers entered this game as the better team, and left it in another league. Mendoza vindicated a more disparate Heisman vote than many expected with a nearly flawless game, going 14-for-16 with 194 yards and three touchdowns. Defensive coordinator Kane Wommack tried to dial up pressure, but Mendoza broke the pocket and had multiple scrambles that kept Indiana on schedule.

In that regard, sometimes just being on time is the difference. Alabama’s inability to run the ball caught up to it on one of college football’s great stages, with the Crimson Tide finding themselves behind the sticks time and time again. Alabama was just 3-of-11 on third down, whereas Indiana was 9-of-14 thanks in large part to avoiding negative plays.

The game ended with a perfect summation of its tenor: On fourth-and-4 at the two-minute mark, with Alabama about to get the ball back down 35, the Crimson Tide jumped offsides to let Indiana take a knee to kill the clock.

There is no one stat that explains Indiana’s dismantling of the Crimson Tide. It was a beatdown, top to bottom, and the score reflected it. Now, Indiana goes into a semifinal matchup against Oregon in a highly anticipated rematch with sky-high expectations. It lived up to its No. 1 seed, shook off the curse of CFP rest, and legitimately looked like the best team in country.

So what will its follow-up performance look like?

“Well I’m not gonna assume anything like, we’ve bounced back from a number of big wins and we’ll be fine,” Cignetti said. “Because it’s process. So we’ll have a very big challenge ahead of us next week, it’s very hard to beat a really good football team twice. There’s no doubt about that.”

This post appeared first on USA TODAY

  • Coach Curt Cignetti publicly criticized his team’s practice to motivate them after a 26-day layoff.
  • The Hoosiers’ victory broke a trend of top-seeded teams losing after a first-round bye in the 12-team playoff format.
  • Indiana’s defense and disciplined play allowed them to capitalize on Alabama’s mistakes.

PASADENA, CA — Indiana coach Curt Cignetti made it known prior to the 2026 Rose Bowl he didn’t like the long layoff his team had, last playing in the Big Ten championship game 26 days ago on Dec. 6.

A day before kickoff, he told the media he didn’t like how his team had been preparing. Practice “didn’t meet the standard,” giving an inkling the No. 1 Hoosiers may be in trouble.

But you know those times when someone loudly says something to another, with the intent someone else will hear it? 

That’s exactly what Cignetti was doing. It wasn’t meant for the media, it was directed right at his team. He didn’t want his team just eavesdropping, he was “eavesthrowing,” trying to get a message through his players.

“Sometimes my messaging is intended for the players to hear to further reinforce my message to them,” Cignetti said.

They heard it loud and clear.

There was no slip up as Indiana showed no rust in their dominant 38-3 victory over No. 9 seed Alabama in the College Football Playoff quarterfinal, proving that this team has what it takes to win its first national championship.

It hasn’t been easy to come off such a long layoff in the 12-team format. All the top-four seeds last season made one-and-done appearances. This season’s playoff started the same way with Ohio State and Texas Tech falling flat in its opening games.

Six games into this new postseason system had people wondering whether there really is something wrong with how this is structured – then Indiana put that theory to bed.

Why? It sounds too simple, but Cignetti and Indiana were just prepared, showing this program that isn’t used to these moments knows exactly how to thrive in them. Cignetti made it seem like this team might be shaky, but in reality it was more than prepared the moment they learned Alabama was next.

“I thought our mindset was really good,” Cignetti said. “I liked our prep, for the most part, once we knew who the opponent was.”

Indiana doesn’t panic, stays on course

It didn’t start out smooth. Indiana went three-and-out on the opening possession that ended with Fernando Mendoza getting sacked.

Would that cause panic? That just wasn’t going to be Indiana. It stuck to what has worked all season: let the defense flex it muscle and the offense will deliver the lethal blows. Alabama was the ones that needed to get creative.

Both happened, with the Hoosiers letting the Crimson Tide make those self-inflicted mistakes and not straying away from its identity. 

“Indiana did a great job of doing, playing their game,” said Alabama defensive lineman Tim Keenan III. “They capitalized on our mistakes. Indiana had a great plan for us and they executed well.”

There aren’t many things that scare Cignetti and Indiana, but one thing they are “afraid to death” of is complacency, said Indiana center and Rose Bowl offensive MVP Pat Coogan. This team isn’t just content with making it to the big stage, instead insistent on putting on an exceptional performance the moment the stage lights turn on. 

Indiana sent a message to the country there is a right way to prepare when you don’t play a game for nearly a month and the entire season rides on it.

Maybe team that get first-round byes ought to take a page or crash course from Cignetti. Even though it seems like he continues to shatter expectations and wow the sport, how he had Indiana more than ready for Alabama may be one of his most impressive feats yet.

Now the Hoosiers have just eight days before playing Oregon in the Peach Bowl semifinal. The Ducks better be ready, because the Hoosiers absolutely will.

“Once we got our feet wet, we got the ball rolling and we got back to playing Indiana brand of football,” Mendoza said. “I think it was great overcoming that challenge as a team, having such a long time off. I think we overcame that challenge and that showed on the field today.”

This post appeared first on USA TODAY

No Lane, no problem.

Behind a historic second-half performance from Trinidad Chambliss and a game-winning 47-yard field goal from Lucas Carneiro, No. 6 Mississippi was able to win a shootout and pull off the come-from-behind victory over No. 3 Georgia in the CFP Sugar Bowl quarterfinal on Thursday, Jan. 1, advancing to the CFP Fiesta Bowl semifinal.

And the Rebels did it all without the coach who led them to their first-ever CFP berth in Lane Kiffin.

Chambliss set a new Sugar Bowl record by completing 13 consecutive passes, which included two ridiculous throws on the run to Kewan Lacey in the fourth quarter, before an incompletion on a batted down pass at the 6:19 mark of the fourth quarter. He finished 30-of-46 passes for 362 yards and two touchdown passes.

The Rebels’ five-point win over the Bulldogs served to be the closest game of the CFP quarterfinals, and the closest game of the 2025-26 College Football Playoff. Next up for the Rebels will be No. 10 Miami in the CFP Fiesta Bowl semifinal on Thursday, Jan. 8 at 7:30 p.m. ET at State Farm Stadium in Glendale, Arizona.

Given the nature of the upset and the fact Kiffin infamously left the Rebels before their CFP berth, social media didn’t hold back when it decided to roast the current Tigers coach, who spent the day watching Kim Mulkey and the LSU women’s basketball team get upset by Kentucky.

Here’s a snippet of those reactions:

College football social media roasts Lane Kiffin after Ole Miss CFP win

Here’s a look at social media after Ole Miss’ win over Georgia in the CFP Sugar Bowl quarterfinal:

This post appeared first on USA TODAY

By its own well-established standards, last season was a massive disappointment for Stanford’s women’s basketball team.

In their first campaign in the Atlantic Coast Conference and without longtime coach Tara VanDerveer patrolling the sidelines, the Cardinal missed the NCAA Tournament for the first time since the Reagan Administration.

Between 1988 and 2024, 36 NCAA women’s college basketball tournaments were contested and Stanford was part of every single one. The Cardinal made 15 Final Fours and won three national championships. Like UConn, Tennessee, Notre Dame and Baylor, Stanford had established itself as one of the sport’s blue bloods and a consistent contender.

So last season was seen as an aberration. In Kate Paye’s first season as head coach, Stanford went 16-15 and 8-10 in ACC action as they adjusted to the coast-to-coast league. The Cardinal were eliminated in the first round of the conference tournament by a Clemson team with a losing record. Then, they lost to Portland at home in the second-tier WBIT.

But this is still Stanford. The standard is still high.

In women’s basketball, this program is supposed to compete for championships.

And, in Paye’s second year in charge, the Cardinal seem to be well on their way to righting the ship.

They entered their first ACC road swing this week with 12 victories, including wins over rival Cal, former Pac-12 foes Washington and Oregon and at Gonzaga. Powered by talented rookies like Lara Somfai and Hailee Swain, and guided by steady-handed veterans like Nunu Agara, Chloe Clardy and Courtney Ogden, this Stanford team looks more like the standard and not the group that stumbled time and time again a year ago.

But on Thursday, they fell hard. In front of a sold-out crowd at the historic Reynolds Coliseum in Raleigh, North Carolina, the Cardinal lost 74-46 to North Carolina State. Stanford was outscored 23-9 in the fourth quarter, turned the ball over 21 times, and shot a season-low 30% from the floor.

“I just felt like things kind of snowballed on us, and the wheels kind of came off the wagon. For the first time, I think our defense let us down,” Paye told USA Today. “It was a good, old-fashioned ass kicking.”

This is the hurdle for Stanford now, the one it failed to clear most of the time last season. Paye’s team has to figure out how to win conference road games time zones away from California. The Cardinal were 2-7 in such games last season.

If Stanford has aspirations of making the NCAA Tournament this March, that mark has to be better. What went down at N.C. State on Thursday can’t happen again.

“Up into this point, our defense had really been something we hang our hat on,” Paye said. “We’ve rebounded decently. I just feel like we’ve yet to really get our flow offensively, and I think because of that, it puts a lot of pressure on our defense. But our defense has really been our strength, our togetherness.”

Defense and rebounding has been crucial to Stanford’s success this season. Nationally, entering Thursday, they ranked seventh in assists allowed per game (8.6), 11th in defensive rebounding rate (76.4) and 28th in points allowed per scoring attempt (0.88). The women’s basketball analytics site HerHoopStats also gives the Cardinal a defensive rating of 81.0, which is 37th in the country. In their wins over Cal, Oregon, Washington and Gonzaga, Stanford won the rebounding margin in three of those clashes, losing the battle on the boards to only the Huskies.

Somfai has been a big help in that department this season. The 6-foot-4 freshman from Australia — tabbed as a top 12 recruit in the 2025 class by ESPN — grabbed 16 rebounds against N.C. State. With averages of 10.5 points and 10.3 rebounds per game, she and Bonnie Deas of Arkansas are the only freshmen in the country averaging double-doubles.

“Lara is an incredible rebounder. She’s physical in there. She has a great nose for the ball,” Paye said. “And, you know, it’s hard when you’re a freshman — like, we’re counting on you.”

Somfai isn’t the only rookie Stanford is leaning on. Point guard Hailee Swain was the eighth-ranked recruit in her class by ESPN and is averaging 9.6 points and 1.5 assists per game.

“They’re in the starting lineup for a reason. It is not easy being a freshman. There’s a lot coming at you, but they’ve done fantastic. And I just think as they get more experience, they’re going to get better and better, and you’re going to kind of see some of the other stuff in their game really shine,” Paye said. “… But we need more from them.”

Somfai and Swain were Stanford’s most high-profile acquisitions of the offseason. In the era of the transfer portal, NIL and revenue sharing, the Cardinal are doing some things the traditional way: bringing in freshmen with potential and developing them. 

Among all Power 4 programs, Stanford has the least number of transfers on its roster. Junior forward Mary Ashley Stevenson, who is in her second season with Stanford after leaving Purdue, is the lone player on the roster who didn’t begin her collegiate career as a member of the Cardinal. Stanford is also tied with Washington for the Power 4 programs who had the least amount of portal movement last offseason, in terms of the combined number of players coming in or going out. The Cardinal had two players transfer out from last season’s squad: Tess Heal to Kansas State and Jzaniya Harriel to SMU.

“What it means to me is loyalty,” junior Nunu Agara said at ACC Tip-Off. “It speaks to what Stanford is about as a program.”

Stanford’s continuity could give it an advantage in its second season in the ACC. Most of the players on the roster have endured the long cross-country flights. With the conference largely playing a schedule that has games on Thursdays and Sundays, Stanford typically doesn’t fly home between road games, instead making a hotel their home for a few days at a time. These players have done that.

“We have the flow and the rhythm,” Paye said. “We certainly learned things last year in terms of travel logistics and little things we can do that we feel like can help our team.”

Ahead is another opportunity for Stanford to get a signature road victory in the ACC. On Sunday, they’ll play in Chapel Hill against the North Carolina Tar Heels, who are ranked 15th in the latest USA Today Sports Coaches Poll.

The common throughline in Stanford’s three losses so far — to Florida Gulf Coast, Tennessee and N.C. State — is turnovers. They’ve had 18 or more in each defeat. And Courtney Banghart’s Tar Heels force 19.6 per game.

“We really have to improve our offensive execution,” Paye said. “We have to move the ball better.”

The expectations are clear for the Cardinal. An early ACC road win could help Stanford meet them.

This post appeared first on USA TODAY

Oklahoma City Thunder guard Shai Gilgeous-Alexander, who is the reigning NBA Most Valuable Player and led the franchise to its first NBA championship, was named the 2025 Sports Illustrated’s Sportsperson of the Year.

Gilgeous-Alexander is the first NBA player to win the award since Warriors guard Stephen Curry in 2022, when he led Golden State to their fourth championship in eight years. He is also the first Canadian to win the award outright since 1982, when Wayne Gretzky took home the honors.

The 27-year-old Gilgeous-Alexander capped off a remarkable year by becoming the third Thunder player to win the regular-season MVP.

Led by Gilgeous-Alexander, the Thunder won 68 regular-season games. He also won his first scoring title, averaging 32.1 points per game, along with five rebounds and a career-high 6.4 assists, helping Oklahoma City finish first in defensive rating and third in offensive rating.

Gilgeous-Alexander, a three-time All-NBA First Team selection, then took the Thunder to the mountaintop with a seven-game NBA Finals victory over the Indiana Pacers. He averaged 30.3 points a game in the series and was named the Finals MVP.

The team rewarded that faith by giving him a four-year, $285 million supermax contract extension, keeping him with Oklahoma City through the 2030-31 season.

SGA told the magazine he realizes how lucky he is to win a title, considering the Thunder once had future MVPs Kevin Durant, Russell Westbrook, and James Harden on the roster at the same time and each departed without a championship.

“That team had three MVP talents and anybody would have bet the house that they were going to eventually figure it out and win,” he said. “But you just never know with life and how things work out.” 

This season, Oklahoma City has gotten off to a 29-5 start, led by Gilgeous-Alexander, who is averaging 32.1 points, 6.4 assists, and 4.7 rebounds a game

This post appeared first on USA TODAY

Mississippi football closed out the College Football Playoff quarterfinals with a thrilling second-half performance from Trinidad Chambliss and Co. to pick up a shocking 39-34 upset over No. 3 Georgia in the Sugar Bowl on Thursday, Jan. 1 inside Caesars Superdome in New Orleans.

The Rebels’ biggest win in program history didn’t happen without some chaos and drama.

Following the go-ahead 47-yard field goal from Ole Miss kicker Lucas Carneiro, the Rebels were awarded a safety after the Bulldogs’ attempt to run a trick play on the ensuing kickoff resulted in a fumble that hit the pylon. The game was originally ruled over, but after an official review, a second was added back onto the clock.

The chaos didn’t end there.

Georgia then successfully converted an 11-yard onside kick from Peyton Woodring. The 11th-hour attempt should have ended the game again. However, because Ole Miss players didn’t touch the ball, and Georgia recovered the ball past the line to gain, that one second on the clock was not removed.

‘If the ball is recovered legally after it goes 10 yards by a grounded player, the clock does not run,’ ESPN rules analyst Matt Austin said on the broadcast. ‘… If you just fall on it, then there is no time off.’

That miscue by Ole Miss provided Georgia with a shot at a Hail Mary play that began with a 4-yard pass from Gunner Stockton to Colbie Young. From there, the Bulldogs threw a few backward passes and laterals in hopes of finding a hole to get down the field. It failed for numerous reasons: Adrian Maddox was eventually tackled and Georgia was called for a block in the back.

The chaotic ending to the Sugar Bowl necessitated the removal of the postgame stage from the field several times, and loud boos, presumably from Rebels fans, were audible over the ESPN broadcast.

Next up for Ole Miss will be a date with Carson Beck and No. 10 Miami in the CFP Fiesta Bowl semifinal on Thursday, Jan. 8 in Arizona.

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This post appeared first on USA TODAY

‘What’s in a name? That which we call a rose, by any other name would smell as sweet.’ That question, posed by Juliet in Shakespeare’s ‘Romeo and Juliet,’ seems to now occupy much of Washington. At a Christmas party with many media from Washington, the question was put to me more succinctly and repeatedly as ‘can they do that?’ The ‘that’ was the renaming of the Kennedy Center as the Trump-Kennedy Center. Soon, courts may have to face this quintessentially Shakespearean question, ‘for never was a story of more woe.’ 

Around Christmas, Ohio Democratic Rep. Joyce Beatty, an ex-officio member of the board, announced her lawsuit over the name change.  

As a threshold matter, I will address the legal rather than policy basis for the change. Many of us chafed at the renaming of the center, which was a memorial to an assassinated president. However, what people want to know is whether the change can be challenged. The answer is yes, but it will not necessarily be easy or certain in its outcome. 

The center was originally built as the National Cultural Center in a 1958 law. It was renamed the John F. Kennedy Center by an act of Congress in 1964 as a living memorial.

The key issue is how that designation was made. It was contained in a statute passed by Congress. Titled John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts, 20 U.S.C. 3, states that ‘no additional memorials or plaques in the nature of memorials shall be designated or installed in the public areas of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts.’ 

There are exceptions in sections 2 and 3 of the provision: 

‘(2) Paragraph (1) of this subsection shall not apply to—

(A) any plaque acknowledging a gift from a foreign country; 

Critics LOSE IT after Trump renames Kennedy Center

(B) any plaque on a theater chair or a theater box acknowledging the gift of such chair or box; and 

(C) any inscription on the marble walls in the north or south galleries, the Hall of States, or the Hall of Nations acknowledging a major contribution; …

(3) For purposes of this subsection, testimonials and benefit performances shall not be construed to be memorials.’ 

The language supports a congressional intent to insulate the memorial from any changes or dilutions. The specificity of the exceptions to plaques for donors suggests that other major changes, such as a name change, are barred under federal law. Moreover, the center is named by an act of Congress. It is hard to find any authority of the board that would undo or delegate that power. 

There is a legitimate question whether a name change is an ‘additional memorial or plaque,’ but it would seem to be so. If a simple plaque to donors had to be expressly exempted, giant letters dedicating the center to an additional person would seem to fall within the congressional intent.

Still, the Trump administration could quote the servant Sampson from ‘Romeo and Juliet’ and tell a court to ‘take it in what sense thou wilt,’ but the statute does not expressly say that name changes are a memorial. 

Challengers could argue that, under the board’s interpretation, any memorial established by Congress, from the Lincoln Memorial to the Kennedy Presidential Library, could be renamed or hyphenated.  

If a court agrees that the statute reflects a clear congressional intent to bar any change to the memorial, the question is how it can be challenged.

In any legal challenge, the advantage would likely rest with the challengers if they can meet the standing requirements.

Kerry Kennedy, the daughter of Robert F. Kennedy and sister of Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., announced that, ‘Three years and one month from today, I’m going to grab a pickax and pull those letters off that building, but I’m going to need help holding the ladder. Are you in? Applying for my carpenter’s card today, so it’ll be a union job!!!’ 

I would not recommend that approach. Most attorneys strive to keep their clients from falling from great heights.  

The question is, who has standing to challenge the change. Are Kennedy family members injured in a concrete way to satisfy standing? Associational standing from historical preservation groups can be tricky. However, some may soon test those waters. 

The most obvious way to address the issue is for Congress to be heard. It can either ratify the board decision, or it could expressly declare the change to be invalid and clarify that ‘additional memorial’ encompasses any name change. Either resolution may prove difficult with the heavily divided Congress. Soon a judge may join Romeo in his lament: ‘O, teach me how I should forget to think!’

First look at Kennedy Center’s holiday spectacular concert for military families

In any legal challenge, the advantage would likely rest with the challengers if they can meet the standing requirements. Otherwise, the name could remain by default … or until another administration decides to make another change to the center previously known as the Kennedy Center. 

Of course, today Juliet might resolve the naming problem in a similar fashion with a hyphenated marital name of Juliet Capulet-Montague, though it clearly would have gone over as poorly as the Trump-Kennedy name. It clearly does not smell as sweet to many.

I expect both court and congressional action to follow. Absent a quick resolution by Congress (which seems unlikely), this could result in years of litigation. 

However, both sides might be wise to heed Shakespeare’s warning in another play that, ‘where two raging fires meet together, they do consume the thing that feeds their fury.’ 

This post appeared first on FOX NEWS

January 2026 marks one year into President Donald Trump’s second term, and there can be no honest conversation without acknowledging that he is one of the most consequential presidents in American history. Love him or loathe him, Trump remains the fixed star around which our politics has revolved for the better part of a decade. Every debate, whether on leadership, law, legacy or lack thereof, turns on the outsized presence of one man. His shadow looms across every institution sacred to America, from colleges to the church to the Capitol, forcing each to declare with whom it stands and why. 

Trump has not simply challenged institutions; he has recharted their course. He has created a political environment where presence, leverage and speed prevail — conditions future leaders will inherit whether they admire his legacy or admonish it. What matters now is not merely what Trump disrupted, but what he set in motion. Among other things, Trump reminds us how quickly and how personally a single executive can impact law, markets and society, for better or worse. 

Long after the rallies fade and the indictments recede, Trump’s imprint will continue to shape American life. A remade Supreme Court of hand-picked justices has altered constitutional doctrine for generations to come. Capital markets have come to treat presidential volatility as a warning sign and tradable risk. Tariffs, trade and industrial policy have been recast as blunt instruments of executive will, designed to serve voters as much as economists. Even the once-fringe world of digital assets and crypto has been reframed from libertarian experiment to strategic asset class challenging sovereignty, regulation and power. 

In many other ways, Trump has altered expectations as much as outcomes. He mandated institutions to move faster and challenged political actors to think bigger. That inheritance will not be easily unwound. History’s students of power understand that consequence is measured not only by outcomes, but by what follows, and few made that point more clearly than Henry Kissinger. ‘Trump may be one of those figures in history who appears from time to time to mark the end of an era and to force it to give up its old pretenses.’

More than anyone else, Trump recognizes that power today flows not only from institutions but from attention. From the time he entered the arena, Trump has perfected one principle: never surrender the stage. Pundits once mocked his early bid for office as self-promotion. It became a populist revolt instead. His blunt voice pierces decades of polite debate. While Washington was accustomed to civility, his words are often raw, sometimes reckless, but always real. Trump’s mastery of attention strains conventional guardrails and has exposed institutional rot long ignored. He leverages disruption to push the boundaries of trust and normalize chaos, conflict and controversy. 

The Trump presidency breaks precedent almost daily — so often it is futile to flag and hard to keep score. He confronts China’s mercantilism with tariffs when others fear retaliation. He moved the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem, upending decades of diplomatic orthodoxy. He stepped across the DMZ to meet North Korean leader Kim Jong Un and rolled out the red carpet for Russian President Vladimir Putin. He bombs Venezuelan speed boats presumed to carry contraband and dares the reigning despot to respond, let alone retaliate. And he brusquely deports the undocumented with steely bravado. All of which would have been derided or thought folly not long ago, but now is political reality.  

Supporters see courage; opponents see chaos. Two things can be true. Trump leads by instinct, improvising his own score to the established symphony of power. Policy wonks measure process; his allies measure presence. Rallies replaced town halls. Tweets replaced press conferences. Identity replaced ideology. To millions who felt unseen, he proved they exist. He showed up, stood up and spoke up in a way American presidents never have, and may never again.

Bret Baier: Trump’s personal relationships with Middle East leaders have paid off

Every scandal was forecast as fatal. None has been. Each prosecution, revelation and rebuke only deepened the myth. His mug shot became merchandise, his trials became theater, his adversaries became amplifiers. History honors endurance as much as elegance, if not more. Trump embodies that fact. Cast down, counted out and condemned by critics, his ascendance reflects the character of a long ignored American electorate — disruptive, defiant, determined to be seen.  

Grave legal and ethical questions have dogged the president to be sure. But the paradox persists: efforts to diminish Trump through lawfare have mostly enlarged and emboldened him politically and prompted questions as to whether prosecution has advanced justice or accelerated division. 

Washington still misunderstands the Trump phenomenon. He thrives on friction, force and fear. Attention is both fuel and fortress. While pundits count approval ratings, he commandeers airtime. Flooding the zone is more than a football play; it is a governing philosophy for Trump, who understands that in today’s politics, silence equals extinction. The simple act of tagging opponents with amusingly accurate nicknames bespeaks both instinct and popular appeal; at the same time brilliant and brutal.

Populism in America is cyclical. President Andrew Jackson fought banks; politician William Jennings Bryan fought barons; Louisiana Gov. and then Sen. Huey Long fought inequality; Trump fights systems of every stripe. His crusade is part grievance and part gospel, speaking to a republic that distrusts its own elite institutions and their caretakers. Trump excels at stretching politics into follow-through performance. After all, who else would dare prepend his name to the John F. Kennedy Center for Performing Arts and the U.S. Institute of Peace in real time. 

Foreign-policy mandarins dismiss his unorthodox diplomacy, yet the Abraham Accords reordered alliances few believed possible. Energy independence became a reality under his watch. Europe, once warned about Russian gas dependency, now concedes he was right. NATO member states shoulder greater — though not altogether equitable — burdens. Even critics grudgingly credit him for forcing movement on issues long considered intractable, thus the Nobel nominations. 

American politics has long relished showmanship and public performance, from Jefferson’s pamphlets to Lincoln’s debates. Trump is the latest iteration of that tradition, and the most complete legacy of the social media age. He channels a culture that values performance as proof of conviction. As such, he reflects some of our own national contradictions: moral yet mercenary, religious yet rebellious, democratic yet drawn to dominance.

Scholars will debate Trump’s impact for decades, but his ubiquity is unquestionable. He imbues every poll, every platform, every party calculus. Democrats campaign against him; Republicans campaign around him. He remains bolder and busier than ever. Trump did not just reform the GOP; he broke the mold and recast it as Trump, MAGA and America First. 

Every scandal was forecast as fatal. None has been. Each prosecution, revelation and rebuke only deepened the myth. His mug shot became merchandise, his trials became theater, his adversaries became amplifiers.

Trump’s evangelical supporters remind us that the great men of old were seldom polished and never perfect. Moses killed, yet led his people to freedom. David sinned, yet ruled with vision. Paul persecuted, yet became the greatest apostle. Scripture teaches that imperfection often precedes purpose, and greatness is rarely graceful. The Christian faithful rely on these proverbial lessons when explaining their loyal and unapologetic allegiance to such a coarse Christian. Unlike Elijah, it will be impossible to take up his mantle.

While canonizing Trump would be a stretch, dismissing him would be dishonest. From TV ownership to tariffs to trade and beyond, Trump compels America to confront convention and contradiction at the same time. He challenges America’s heritage of confidence and doubt, conviction and compassion, strength and restraint. And challenges us to rethink long-held axioms. 

Sports analysts often speak of exceptionally gifted athletes as ‘generational talent’ — those who have the extraordinary ability to change the game. That is Trump.

MS NOW guest praises Trump

For those hoping to walk in his shoes, there is no blueprint for replication. He ushered in a unique political reality that history must acknowledge even if it cannot be repeated. As the most consequential political figure of this century thus far, Donald Trump offers history a compelling study in transformational leadership. He is implacable, irreplaceable and impossible to ignore. There has never been, nor will there ever be, another like him. 

Foremost and finally, Trump embodies a new political maxim for today’s America. If you dare to lead, you do not have to be perfect, but you must be present. 

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With margins tight in both chambers, control of Congress in 2026 is expected to hinge on a small group of competitive Senate contests and House districts sensitive to national trends. As America plunges into a new year, here are the races that are most likely to define the midterm races.

Senate majority-making or majority-breaking races to watch

Senate Republicans are looking to maintain their razor-thin majority after flipping the upper chamber in 2024. There are 33 seats in-cycle in the forthcoming midterms, which often act as a check on an incumbent president’s performance.

The GOP is hoping to replicate the Election Day successes that helped preserve its majority at the midpoint of President Donald Trump’s first term, entering 2026 with what many analysts consider a favorable map.

Georgia

 Georgia is the top prize of Senate Republicans and their campaign arm, the National Republican Senatorial Committee (NRSC). Incumbent Sen. Jon Ossoff, D-Ga., is vulnerable in his first attempt at re-election to the Senate and will be met with the full weight of the NRSC’s campaign war chest. 

Before the general election, Republicans will first have to let the dust settle on a bloody, four-way primary fight among Reps. Buddy Carter, R-Ga., Mike Collins, R-Ga., former University of Tennessee head football coach Derek Dooley and horse trainer Reagan Box. Republicans’ prized candidate, Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp, opted not to enter the contest, leaving a wide open playing field for the GOP to fight over. 

North Carolina

In the heat of the Senate advancing Trump’s ‘big, beautiful bill,’ Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., announced his retirement. What would likely have been a gimme race for the GOP has now turned into a wide open contest for an open seat. 

Democrats believe they can flip the seat for the first time since 2008 and hope that former North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper will carry them to victory and provide a crucial win to tip the balance of power. Republicans scored their preferred candidate, too, in former Republican National Committee Chair Michael Whatley. He will have a primary challenge though from Michele Morrow. 

Michigan

 Similar to North Carolina, Democrats lost their incumbent Sen. Gary Peters, D-Mich., to retirement. Both parties are now gunning for the open seat, but Democrats’ have a tangled primary to survive first before their true candidate emerges. 

Rep. Haley Stevens, D-Mich., state Sen. Mallory McMorrow and physician Abdul El-Sayed, are all in on the Democratic side, while Trump and Republicans have coalesced behind former Rep. Mike Rogers, who narrowly lost to Sen. Elissa Slotkin last year. 

Maine

 Incumbent Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, is Senate Democrats’ top target in the midterms. Collins, who is looking to score a sixth term in the Senate, could face a formidable opponent in the general election with the full backing of Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., or an upstart progressive candidate that’s looking to throw a wrench into Democrats’ plans. 

There are several local candidates that have jumped in on both sides of the race, but the main contenders are Collins, popular Democratic Gov. Janet Mills and oyster farmer Graham Platner, who has rubbed shoulders with progressive heavyweights Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y. 

Ohio

 Sen. Jon Husted, R-Ohio, who was appointed to replace Vice President JD Vance earlier this year, will look to finish out the remaining two years of his predecessor’s term. But he’ll face a tough opponent in former Sen. Sherrod Brown, D-Ohio, who narrowly lost last year.  

Schumer and Democrats scored their best chance at picking up a seat in Ohio, again trying to turn the state purple after Brown’s loss to Sen. Bernie Moreno, R-Ohio. And there will be eye-popping amounts of money thrown at this contest. 

New Hampshire

 Democrats took yet another hit from the retirement train when Sen. Jeanne Shaheen, D-N.H., announced she’d leave Congress at the end of her term. That has opened up the field to several familiar Republican names jumping into the contest in the hopes of turning part of the Granite State red. 

Republicans have two prime candidates, former Sen. John Sununu, R-N.H., and former Rep. Scott Brown, R-Mass., who also served as an ambassador for Trump, to pick from. Meanwhile, Rep. Chris Pappas, D-N.H., is the likely heir apparent on the Democratic side. 

House races that will decide the majority

Control of the House is likely to hinge on fewer than two dozen districts nationwide, as both parties focus their resources on a small set of competitive seats that could decide the chamber. The battlegrounds span suburbs, rural communities and diverse metro areas, underscoring how varied the path to a majority has become.

Colorado’s 8th District, Northern Denver suburbs and Greeley

 With GOP Rep. Gabe Evans defending the seat, Colorado’s 8th District remains one of the most competitive House districts in the country. Drawn as a true swing seat after redistricting, it has flipped parties in back-to-back cycles and is often decided by slim margins.

Whether Latino and working-class voters break decisively toward one party and whether the race is decided by a narrow margin. A comfortable win here typically signals momentum heading into other battleground House races.

Iowa’s 1st District, Eastern Iowa

With a history of close results, Iowa’s 1st District is once again a top battleground as Republican Rep. Mariannette Miller-Meeks seeks re-election.

The district spans college towns, rural counties and small manufacturing hubs, creating an electorate that frequently splits its ticket. Even as Iowa trends red at the presidential level, the seat continues to hover in toss-up territory and is often among the last House races decided on election night.

New Jersey’s 7th District, North Jersey suburbs

Held by GOP Rep. Tom Kean Jr., New Jersey’s 7th is a high-income, college-educated suburban district that has repeatedly swung with the national political climate and historically punished incumbents during unfavorable cycles.

Whether suburban voters continue drifting away from Republicans or stabilize in a midterm environment. A shift here would offer an early read on how educated suburbs are responding to the party in power.

New York’s 17th District, Hudson Valley and NYC’s northern suburbs

New York’s 17th District, which previously backed former President Joe Biden, is represented by GOP Rep. Mike Lawler and is expected to play an outsized role in determining House control.

Whether Democrats can effectively harness heavy national spending and messaging in a district expected to draw intense attention.

Pennsylvania’s 7th District, Lehigh Valley and Allentown

Held by Republican Rep. Chris Mackenzie, Pennsylvania’s 7th is a true purple district in a must-win swing state. This area is made up of a politically diverse electorate that has previously mirrored statewide results.

Economic pressures and immigration debates are expected to shape how working-class and Latino voters approach the race.

California’s 22nd District, Central Valley

California’s 22nd, represented by GOP Rep. David Valadao, has remained a perennial battleground for more than a decade, shaped by its agricultural economy and a large Latino electorate sensitive to turnout swings.

Whether Democrats can boost turnout enough to flip the seat, and whether Central Valley races help offset Republican gains elsewhere in the country.

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  • The college football transfer portal is set to create a major shift in quarterback lineups for the upcoming season.
  • Several top programs, including Miami, LSU, and Florida, are expected to pursue new quarterbacks through the portal.
  • Many potential transfers involve quarterbacks reuniting with former coaches at new schools.

The opening of the college football transfer portal will trigger a game of musical chairs at quarterback guaranteed to impact next year’s race for the national championship.

As evidence, just look at this year’s College Football Playoff, where over half the teams in the field started a transfer under center – Indiana, Ohio State, Oregon, Mississippi, Oklahoma, Miami and Tulane.

One team that could influence how things unfold is Oregon, which is waiting on Dante Moore’s NFL draft decision. If he leaves, the Ducks will be near the top of the list for every high-profile transfer, potentially shaping plans for other contenders searching for a new starter.

As the portal heats up, let’s connect 10 Power Four programs with the best possible transfer fit:

Miami

Should Moore return, Miami’s recent success with Cam Ward and Carson Beck will make Coral Gables the most desirable destination for this year’s transfer class. One strong match is former Arizona State starter Sam Leavitt, who burst onto the national scene in 2024 but struggled through an injury-marred redshirt sophomore year. After a pair of one-year rentals, Mario Cristobal and the Hurricanes could be enticed by the chance to secure someone who could be a multiple-season solution.

Texas Tech

Texas Tech is waiting on Cincinnati transfer Brendan Sorsby, a native Texan who has starting experience, Big 12 experience and a dual-threat skill set that fits nicely in the Red Raiders’ scheme with Behren Morton moving on. Sorsby, however, could choose to forego his final season for the NFL if he receives a strong draft grade.

Indiana

Look for Curt Cignetti’s search for Fernando Mendoza’s replacement to land on TCU transfer Josh Hoover, who blossomed over two-plus years as the starter in Sonny Dykes’ scheme. While he’ll need to trim his turnovers, the rising senior has the makeup to help maintain the Hoosiers’ evolution into a Power Four powerhouse. As a high school recruit, Hoover was verbally committed to Indiana before flipping to the Horned Frogs.

Penn State

Drew Allar has exhausted his eligibility and replacement Ethan Grunkemeyer has an uncertain future. This one isn’t complicated: New coach Matt Campbell should be reunited with rising senior Rocco Becht, who started 39 games for Campbell at Iowa State and would ease his transition to the Big Ten.

LSU

Portal options might be tripping over themselves to get to the front of the line to play for Lane Kiffin at LSU. One is DJ Lagway, who oozes talent but never put things together in his two years at Florida. But Kiffin and the Tigers are likely waiting on a possible eligibility waiver for current Ole Miss starter Trinidad Chambliss, who has petitioned the NCAA for a sixth year. If he’s successful, Baton Rouge would be the obvious fit.

Florida

With Lagway gone and new coach Jon Sumrall in, the Gators could be in the market for multiple transfers to add to what is currently a thin quarterback room. One immediate connection is with Georgia Tech transfer Aaron Philo, who impressed in eight appearances over the past two years under new Florida coordinator Buster Faulkner. In his one start in 2025, Philo completed 21 of 28 passes for 373 yards against Gardner-Webb.

Auburn

Like Penn State, Auburn likely won’t look far for its new quarterback. As a first-year starter in 2025 under new coach Alex Golesh at South Florida, Byrum Brown threw for 3,158 yards, ran for 1,008 yards, had 42 combined touchdowns and might’ve been the nation’s most unheralded player. Landing Brown would really help speed up Golesh’s rebuilding project.

Clemson

Clemson could ignore the portal and roll with rising junior Christopher Vizzina, who threw for 406 yards in an uneven 2025 season as the primary backup, or redshirt freshman Chris Denson. But the Tigers really have to increase their options in what might be a make-or-break year. They should be in the mix for Sorsby, Lagway and others. One transfer who could bring some valuable athleticism to the competition is former Old Dominion starter Colton Joseph, who joined Brown as the only quarterbacks to throw for at least 2,000 yards and run for another 1,000 this season.

Tennessee

The idea of handing the keys to redshirt freshman George MacIntyre or incoming freshman Faizon Brandon should demand the addition of at least one experienced passer. Should the Volunteers be looking for a one-year rental before handing the keys to MacIntyre or Brandon in 2027, one option who checks the boxes is James Madison transfer Alonza Barnett III, a rising senior with the legs to bring an interesting new dimension to Josh Heupel’s offense.

Nebraska

The Cornhuskers will be looking for an offensive reboot built around a more athletic option. Rising sophomore TJ Lateef replaced an injured Dylan Raiola in early November and helped land the team in the Las Vegas Bowl, though he played poorly after an impressive debut against UCLA. One player who matches what Matt Rhule is looking for is Notre Dame transfer Kenny Minchey, a rising junior who pushed for the starting role this past summer and has looked very good in his limited opportunities.

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