On Sunday, President Donald Trump whipped Colombian President Gustavo Petro into compliance by threatening 25% tariffs on Colombian goods and other economic measures for refusing to accept a U.S. military aircraft carrying illegal migrants whom Trump wanted deported back to Colombia. 

The Colombia case provides a glimpse into Trump’s mindset and how he will conduct his foreign policy from now on.

Economic warfare and ‘disabuse others from being tempted’ will be the key tenets of Trump’s playbook for his foreign policy during his second term. And that is a stark difference from the foreign policy approach used by the Biden-Harris team and other previous administrations.

Traditionally, before Trump, Washington has relied on ideology, appeasement, foreign aid and thoughtless use of military power when it came to international relations. This misguided albeit bipartisan approach that guided U.S. statecraft for more than a quarter of a century has made America poorer, less safe and disrespected on the world stage. Moreover, it destabilized some parts of the world, such as the Middle East.

Gone are the days when American servicemen and women will be casually deployed to democratize every nook and cranny of the world and giving their lives for someone else’s freedom. The ultimate realpolitik-minded statesman, Trump adheres to the ‘respect equals fear’ philosophy underpinned by a purely transactional approach. The Donald is not afraid of being perceived as a bully. He seems to prefer it.

Beware Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping, the ‘Rocketman’ and the ayatollahs. 

To understand Trump’s ‘disabuse others from being tempted’ doctrine, let’s take a look at Russian Czar Peter the Great, who in 1718 tortured to death his own son for allegedly conspiring against him. Seeking to modernize Russia into a European country, Peter in 1698 introduced a tax on beards, to make Russian men look and act more like Westerners. 

The Russian authoritarian, who ruled Russia from 1696 until his death in 1725, also issued a series of imperial edicts, which mandated capital punishment conducted publicly for certain crimes, to deter criminal acts. The edict on trade mandated that ‘one merchant is hanged each year to disabuse others from being tempted.’ ‘Trade [in fish, sugar, and gold] is an affair of thieves,’ was the justification used in the decree, implying that everyone involved in trade was a thief, so to reduce theft, others must be deterred by punishing someone publicly.

By executive order, Trump has already put all foreign aid on hold, worldwide, including to Ukraine. Only Israel and Egypt were exempted. He threatened tariffs on China, insisted on buying Greenland, suggested making Canada the 51st state, and told Putin to end his ‘ridiculous’ war in Ukraine or face more sanctions. The bombastic commander in chief warned Hamas and implicitly its backer Iran that ‘all hell will break loose’ if the hostages in Gaza are not released.

All of this rhetoric is intended to unbalance our enemies and make clear that America is serious about its own security and prosperity first. It will no longer lecture Putin how to treat Russians or Xi Jinping how to govern China. But it will unleash the full force of economic warfare, if they don’t fall in compliance.

Trump is also signaling to U.S. partners, such as some NATO members who haven’t fully paid their membership dues, that America will no longer be taken advantage of. He will likely enforce his request that NATO dues are raised to 5% of GDP instead of 2%.

Trump is thinking big. He wants to transform the way America conducts its foreign affairs and even military strategy. Thinking is Trump’s lifelong credo. ‘I like thinking big, I always have. To me, it’s very simple. If you’re going to be thinking anyway, you might as well think big,’ he declared in 1987, well before entering politics, when promoting his book ‘The Art of the Deal.’

What kind of deal Trump will be able to make depends on how well Trump and his team understand how Putin, Xi and the ayatollahs think and what drives them. For most of them, their national interest, goals and ambitions surpass economic concerns. Let’s hope that Team Trump understands how these foreign leaders and their people think. They don’t think like Americans.

On President Donald Trump’s first day back in office, he signed an executive order entitled ‘Ending the Weaponization of the Federal Government,’ responding to the Biden administration’s lawfare against him. Democrats still harshly criticize that E.O.

On Nov. 15, 2022, former President Donald Trump announced that he again was running for president. On Nov. 18, Attorney General Merrick Garland appointed Jack Smith as special counsel to investigate and prosecute Trump, a historical first because prosecuting a former president and the leading presidential candidate of the major opposition political party shattered two centuries of legal norms and tradition. 

Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, recently said that Biden’s ‘Justice Department’s infected with political decision-making, while its leaders refuse to acknowledge that reality.’

Trump consistently and correctly criticized the Biden administration’s politicization and weaponization of government. He must now fundamentally choose whether to allow the Democrats’ wrongful lawfare against him to naturally end.

Unfortunately, the Biden administration’s last-minute machinations, such as politicized special counsel reports and Biden’s blanket pardons for his family, friends and political allies, signal that Democrats likely will not stop lawfare and weaponization until they are turned against them. 

Biden’s statement accompanying his pardons showed that he knew lawfare was wrong: ‘baseless and politically motivated investigations wreak havoc on the lives, safety and financial security of targeted individuals and their families… being investigated or prosecuted can irreparably damage their reputations and finances.’

If Democrats disavowed lawfare and committed to never doing it again, Biden’s last-minute pardons would have been unnecessary. Instead, they indicate that Democrats still want lawfare, expect tit-for-tat Republican-led investigations of Democrats, and anticipate that Trump perhaps will pardon his family, appointees and political supporters when he leaves office.

Democrats recently signaled their commitment to lawfare when they attacked Pam Bondi during her confirmation hearings about ‘future weaponization’ at DOJ. They intend to do the same at Kash Patel’s upcoming hearings for FBI director. 

Their questions followed Special Counsel Jack Smith’s pointless report, where he inaptly claimed that he would have convicted Trump for J6 but for the 2024 election. Smith is wrong because he ignored the Supreme Court’s Trump immunity case and cases such as Fischer, McDonnell, and Yates, all of which stripped away the heart of Smith’s charges. Ironically, Smith was the lead prosecutor in McDonnell; the Supreme Court ruled against him, 9-0.

Furthermore, Smith’s report futilely cited the Trump dissenting opinions and the lower courts’ denials of presidential immunity, even though the Supreme Court rejected them; this reveals Smith’s bias and poor legal judgment. 

Smith’s report implied that the Supreme Court was wrong: ‘no court had ever found that presidents are immune from criminal responsibility for their official acts, and no text in the Constitution explicitly confers such criminal immunity on the President.’ The Supreme Court, however, never before had to rule on presidential immunity because no DOJ ever prosecuted a former president.

Perhaps Smith takes comfort from legacy media outlets which supported him. For example, The Washington Post noted that Smith’s report ‘seems to make a point to offer a subtle but pretty unmistakable rebuke of the Supreme Court and its role in sparing Trump a possible conviction.’  Smith’s duty as a special counsel, however, is to obey the Supreme Court, not ignore or ‘rebuke’ it.

Customarily, special counsel reports are dry, boring, factual documents.  Smith filled his with politically tinged allegations that he cribbed from his indictments and the congressional J6 committee. 

He so strenuously claimed that he and his office were ‘unbiased,’ ‘neutral,’ and ‘professional’ such that he ‘doth protest too much, methinks’ as per Shakespeare’s ‘Hamlet,’ Act 3, Scene 2. No previous special counsel felt the need to repeatedly declare his own fairness and disinterest; none ever prosecuted a former president and the leading candidate of the main opposition party.

Worse, Smith dropped an ‘October Surprise’ when he filed a huge J6 court brief shortly before Election Day, one-sidedly reciting unflattering allegations against Trump. It wrongly claimed, among other things, that Trump directed ‘an angry mob to the United States Capitol to obstruct the congressional certification of the presidential election and then leverage rioters’ violence to further delay it’ and that Trump ‘resorted to crimes.’

Smith violated DOJ’s internal rules, which state that federal prosecutors ‘may never select the timing of any action, including investigative steps, criminal charges, or statements, for the purpose of affecting any election or for the purpose of giving an advantage or disadvantage to any candidate or political party.’ 

It appears that Pam Bondi will be confirmed as attorney general. She and President Trump can right our DOJ and criminal justice system, but only if the Democrats admit that their lawfare and weaponizing the government were wrong and backfired on them. 

Sadly, it may be that Democrats have to be shown that investigations and prosecutions can descend on them just as easily as they did on Republicans in order to drive a stake into lawfare’s heart.

The views expressed in this article are the writers’ own.

After the disastrous foreign affairs failures of the Biden administration, many Americans were left wondering how a Trump administration could possibly correct course. Well, it’s finally Trump time, so here’s what one should expect.

In many ways, today’s Donald Trump resembles the one we saw in 2016. Now, as then, Trump is neither an isolationist nor an imperialist; rather, he pursues an America-first policy tempered by realism and the understanding that sometimes one must break a few eggs to make an omelet.

Similarities aside, though, the Trump of 2025 is not the same as the Trump of 2016. Today’s Trump is one of the most battle-tested leaders on the world stage, and he’s bringing that experience to bear on changing world circumstances.

While America faces the same enemies – Russia, Iran and China – those enemies are weaker than ever because of their own reckless imperial overreach. Moscow struggles to make headway on its fronts in Ukraine and beyond, Iran is stuck watching Israel take down its minions, and China faces economic woes and a tarnished global brand.

All this weakness gives Trump space to accomplish his foreign policy agenda.

First on the table is killing the Green New Deal – a completely unrealistic, unachievable policy that only benefited America’s enemies. While Iran and Russia sold fossil fuels and China bought them at cut-rate prices (and cornered the market on the sale of green technologies), the rest of the world was heading for energy poverty.

Trump plans to change all that by heading up a global campaign for reliable, affordable, abundant energy. In declaring a national energy emergency, he paved the way for America to unleash its vast oil supply more cheaply and efficiently than ever – a policy that will enable the U.S. to compete in and transform the global energy market.  

Next, Trump will restore the long-standing American tradition of peace through strength. He’s already instructed his new secretary of Defense to this end, ordering him to implement more bayonet drills and fewer drag shows. He’s warned America’s enemies to stop warmongering or risk facing consequences for their actions.

Even before taking office, Trump’s team helped negotiate a ceasefire agreement between Hamas and Israel. Now he’s working to secure a similar peace deal between Russia and Ukraine.

Trump believes in putting America first, and he knows that wars (in addition to the harm they cause to innocents) are bad for business – and that means they must stop.

Similarly, Trump is putting an end to America’s endless bankrolling of other countries, demanding instead that those countries step up and start pulling their own weight. He’s informed NATO members that they need to start contributing 5% of their GDP to national defense instead of relying on the U.S. to take care of them.

Instead of throwing taxpayer money around, Trump says it’s time to start throwing America’s weight around. That means no more underwriting the U.N.’s globalist agenda – unless, of course, it’s in America’s best interests to do so.

Nor does Trump plan to continue allowing weaknesses and backdoors in America’s own backyard. Trump’s ‘new Monroe Doctrine’ isn’t about establishing American imperialism, but rather about ensuring American safety.

Trump seeks to secure strategic waypoints like Greenland, encourage Canada to defend the Free North, and prevent China from obtaining control of the Panama Canal. That’s not building a wall around America – it’s mowing the grass and trimming the hedges.

Finally, Trump plans to put American growth first. That means tax cuts for American workers, tariffs for American enemies, and encouragement for American allies to invest in the American economy. He’s already announced significant Saudi investment in the United States (to the tune of $600 billion), and the pressure’s on for other allies to follow suit.

All told, Trump’s foreign policy sends the message that America’s back and better than ever. Friends should step up, and enemies should watch out.

Robert F. Kennedy Jr., President Donald Trump’s nominee for secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), is back on Capitol Hill for a second day of Senate confirmation hearings after a grilling by Democrats during a contentious first day on Wednesday.

Kennedy will take questions on Thursday in front of the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee.

On Wednesday, in front of the Senate Finance Committee, which will vote on Kennedy’s confirmation, there were plenty of verbal fireworks over past controversial comments by the vaccine skeptic and environmental crusader who ran for the White House in 2024 before ending his bid and endorsing Trump.

But Kennedy’s uneven performance didn’t appear to do damage to his confirmation, as no Republican on the panel voiced opposition to his nomination to lead 18 powerful federal agencies that oversee the nation’s food and health. Those agencies include the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the Food and Drug Administration, the National Institutes of Health, and the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services.

Democrats on the committee repeatedly pointed to Kennedy’s controversial vaccine views, including his repeated claims in recent years linking vaccines to autism, which have been debunked by scientific research.

They also spotlighted Kennedy’s service for years as chair or chief legal counsel for Children’s Health Defense, the nonprofit organization he founded that has advocated against vaccines and sued the federal government numerous times, including a challenge over the authorization of the COVID vaccine for children.

‘Mr. Kennedy has embraced conspiracy theories, quacks and charlatans, especially when it comes to the safety and efficacy of vaccines. He’s made it his life’s work to sow doubt and discourage parents from getting their kids life-saving vaccines,’ Sen. Ron Wyden of Oregon, the top Democrat on the panel, charged in his opening statement.

The senator also pointed to past Kennedy vaccine comments in podcasts, including one from 2020 when he said he would ‘pay anything’ to be able to go back in time and not vaccinate his kids.

‘Are you lying to Congress today when you say you are pro-vaccine? Or did you lie on all those podcasts?’ Wyden asked.

Pushing back in a heated exchange, Kennedy said the statements he made on podcasts have ‘been repeatedly debunked.’

And he vowed he would do nothing to prevent Americans from obtaining certain vaccines.

‘I support the measles vaccine. I support the polio vaccine. I will do nothing as HHS secretary that makes it difficult or discourages people from taking anything,’ Kennedy said.

Democrat Sen. Michael Bennet of Colorado accused Kennedy of ‘peddling half-truths, peddling false statements.’

And Democrat Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, who has known Kennedy for decades, dating back to their days as law school students and roommates at the University of Virginia, told his friend, ‘Frankly, you frighten people.’

Kennedy was also heckled multiple times near the start of the hearing.

As Kennedy delivered his opening comments and said, ‘News reports have claimed that I am anti-vaccine or anti-industry. I am neither. I am pro-safety,’ a protester shouted, ‘You lie.’

The heckler was led out of the hearing room by Capitol Police, as was a second protester minutes later.

And another protester was spotted in the audience holding a sign reading, ‘Vaccines Save Lives, No RFK JR.’ 

The 71-year-old Kennedy, a scion of the nation’s most storied political dynasty, launched a long-shot campaign for the Democrat presidential nomination against President Joe Biden in April 2023. But six months later, he switched to an independent run for the White House.

Kennedy made major headlines again last August when he dropped his presidential bid and endorsed Trump. While Kennedy had long identified as a Democrat and repeatedly invoked his late father, former Sen. Robert F. Kennedy, and his late uncle, former President John F. Kennedy – who were both assassinated in the 1960s – Kennedy in recent years built relationships with far-right leaders due in part to his high-profile vaccine skepticism.

Trump announced soon after the November election that he would nominate Kennedy to his Cabinet to run HHS.

In the two months since Trump’s announcement, it’s not just Democrats who’ve raised questions about Kennedy’s confirmation. Social conservative Republicans took issue with his past comments in support of abortion rights.

‘My belief is we should leave it to the woman. We shouldn’t have the government involved, even if it’s full term,’ Kennedy said as he ran for president. 

But since endorsing Trump, Kennedy has walked back his stance on abortion. And in an exchange Wednesday with Democrat Sen. Maggie Hassan of New Hampshire, Kennedy said, ‘I agree with President Trump that every abortion is a tragedy.’

Independent Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont, a former two-time Democrat presidential candidate, argued that Kennedy made a ‘major U-turn’ on abortion.

Kennedy was also questioned about how he would reform Medicare and Medicaid, the massive government healthcare programs used by millions of older, disabled and low-income Americans.

‘I don’t have a broad proposal for dismantling the program,’ Kennedy said of Medicaid.

And he said Trump hadn’t asked him to cut the program but rather ‘asked me to make it better.’

Kennedy, whose outspoken views on Big Pharma and the food industry have also sparked controversy, vowed that ‘if confirmed, I will do everything in my power to put the health of Americans back on track.’

While Democrats may find common ground with Kennedy’s aim to shift the focus of the agencies he would oversee toward promotion of a healthy lifestyle, including overhauling dietary guidelines, taking aim at ultra-processed foods and getting to the root causes of chronic diseases, Kennedy lamented that they oppose him because he’s Trump’s nominee.

Now they’re against me because anything that President Trump does, any decision he makes, has to be lampooned, derided, discredited, marginalized, vilified,’ Kennedy said.

With Republicans controlling the Senate by a 53-47 majority, Kennedy can only afford to lose the support of three GOP senators if Democrats unite against his confirmation. During Wednesday’s hearing, no Republicans appeared to oppose the nomination.

Republican Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina appeared to lean into the Democrats’ attacks on Kennedy by asking, ‘I got a real quick question for you: Are you a conspiracy theorist?’

Kennedy answered that it ‘is a pejorative that’s applied to me mainly to keep me from asking difficult questions of powerful interests.’

GOP Sen. Steve Daines of Montana, a chemical engineer, noted that there were several Republican doctors on the committee.

‘We believe in science. I’m thankful that you do, too,’ Daines said.

Republican Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, a physician who said he had a ‘frank conversation’ with Kennedy about immunizations when they met this month, didn’t ask about vaccines during the committee hearing. Instead, he kept his questions about federal healthcare programs, including Medicare.

Meanwhile, GOP Sen. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin took aim at Democrats on the committee for what he claimed was ‘hostility on the other side. … I’m disappointed with it.’

Following Wednesday’s hearing, Democrats kept up their criticism.

‘I think you saw today that he’s not backing down from any of his really crazy, loony conspiracy beliefs,’ Sen. Chris Murphy of Connecticut told reporters.

And Sen. John Fetterman of Pennsylvania, who is thought to be one of the few Democrats who may support Kennedy’s confirmation, said, ‘I don’t think it went well for him.’

But GOP Sen. Roger Marshall of Kansas, who sits on the Finance Committee, pointed to Democrats on the panel and said, ‘I understand their concerns about vaccines. I think Bobby put those concerns to bed.’

And Republican Sen. Jim Banks of Indiana told reporters that Kennedy ‘did great today. I expect him to do great tomorrow.’